This page includes Notes on The Law of Peoples, Introduction, and Parts I and II
What are "human rights"? These are rights that persons have simply by virtue of being human, i.e. not because they're born into a particular family, or live in a certain country. Rawls [§8.2] says that they include:
This is quite a pared down list of rights, and it omits several rights including freedom of expression, association and democratic participation. Beitz (Ethics, 2000, p684) asks, "why would the liberal and decent peoples be justified in establishing adherence to human rights as a threshold of membership in international society? ... does this interpretation of human rights demand too little?"
Rawls says that the attitude of decent liberal peoples (LPs) to peoples who respect human rights but are not themselves LPs should be one of toleration. Toleration means not only not interfering with, but also respecting, societies of nonliberal peoples. This because
It therefore follows that LPs are bound not to intervene in the affairs of other peoples who may be nonliberal, so long as they respect human rights.
Tan (Ethics 1998 p284) says that this is inconsistent; LPs are being asked to tolerate things in other societies that they would not tolerate in their own (for example, not allowing people the right to vote). "It appears that Rawls has simply relaxed the limits of toleration...to ensure that his law of peoples can be endorsed by some nonliberal states as well"
A problem with this view is that the eight principles (see [§4.1]) which Rawls argues will be derived from the original position by both LPs and decent nonliberal peoples (DNs) (Beitz (Ethics, 2000, P675) says "Offhand, there is no reason to hink that nonliberal societies, whether decent or not, would take any interest in [the Law of Peoples]".), are not justified by an appeal to reason; he says that these are the principles which would be seleced by societies of well-ordered people from behind the veil of ignorance, and says that these are "familiar and largely traditional principles I take from the history and usages of international law and practice" [§4.4]. Unlike the principles derived by individuals under the veil of ignorance, there is no justification for why these particular principles would be selected. Perhaps someone else might believe that peoples in the "second" original position would come up with a different set of principles.
Beitz (2000, p686), "The difficulty with this argument [how we decide what constitutes 'decency'] is not that it is wrong but that it is weak: if there are reasons why institutions should be held to human rights...we should be able to say what they are".
Notes on The Law of Peoples, Introduction, and Parts I and II
The Law of Peoples is concerned with the question of "whether a realistic utopia is possible, and the conditions under which it might obtain" [p5]. It "hopes to say how a world Society of liberal and decent Peoples might be possible" [p6]. It is concerned with "how peoples treat each other as peoples. How peoples treat each other and how they treat their own members are, it is important to recognize, two different things" [§11.2]
Five types of domestic societies are considered:
Must show that reasonable pluralism "allows a society of greater political justice and liberty" [§1.1]
Seven conditions necessary for a liberal democratic society as a realistic utopia:
The above conditions apply to a reasonably just constitutional democracy; what are the parallel conditions for a reasonably just Society of Peoples?
Is Realistic Utopia a fantasy? Rawls thinks not. "[W]e must not allow these great evils of the past and present to undermine our hope for the future" [§1.4]
Why Peoples and Not States?
Two Original Positions:
Principles of the Law of Peoples [§4.1]:
No justification given for these principles other than saying "These familiar and largely traditional principles I take from the history and usages of international law and practice", and that in the second original position, "the representatives of well-ordered peoples simply reflect on the advantages of these principles...and see no reason to depart from them" [§4.4]. Rawls also thinks that representatives of DNs would adopt the same eight principles [§8.4].
Governments must "take responsibility for their territory and its environmental integrity, as well as for the size of their population" [§4.3]
Two kinds of stability: "stability for the right reasons and stability as a balance of forces" [§5.1] Law of Peoples should lead to "satisfied peoples", therefore the right kind of stability. Wars between LPs are unknown since 1800 [§5.4]
Toleration "means not only to refrain from exercising political sanctions...[but also] to recognize these nonliberal societies as equal participating members..." [§7.1]
Why should LP tolerate DNs? One reason is that by definition, DNs are non-aggressive and therefore do not pose a threat, and "No people will be willing to count the losses to itself as outweighed by the gains to other peoples" [§7.2]. Another is that lack of toleration shows disrespect, which might "lead to bitterness" [§7.3]. LPs should have "confidence in their convictions" that their toleration and respect will be likely to encourage DNs to realise that they'd be better off moving towards becoming LPs themselves.
DNs may be various types; Rawls discusses only one, namely "decent hierarchical peoples" (DHP) [§8.1]. These are defined by the following criteria [§8.2]
Although persons in a DN may not enjoy the same freedoms as those in a LP, "equality may be reasonably put forward in making claims against other societies" [§8.3]
DHPs have a "decent consultaton hierarchy", which doesn't necessarily mean all persons have the same equal right to vote, but that their is "an opportunity for different voices to be heard", and there is "the possibility of dissent" [§9.1]. Representative groups (e.g. churches) may voice different views. Rawls' example of Kazanistan illustrates six guidelines for a DHP [§9.3]:
Human rights honoured by both LPs and DNs and are universal: "they are binding on all peoples and societies, including outlaw states" [§10.3]. Therefore any state which violates the rights is a legitimate target of sanctions and even intervention. Refusal to tolerate these states "is a consequence of liberalism and decency" [§10.3]. On the other hand, fulfillment of these rights "is sufficient to exclude justified and forceful intervention by other peoples" [§10.2]